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8 septembre 2012

Assises de la recherche - le C3N fait pression sur Fioraso

http://sciences.blogs.liberation.fr/test/images/logo_libe.pngPar Sylvestre Huet. Les élus des chercheurs mettent la pression sur la ministre Geneviève Fioraso (photo). C'est ce qui ressort de l'audition par le Comité de pilotage des Assises de l'Enseignement Supérieur et de la Recherche, présidé par Françoise Barré-Sinoussi, du C3N.
Sous ce nom de code se cachent les représentants des scientifiques parmi les plus légitimes: la Coordination des instances du Comité national de la recherche scientifique (Conseil scientifique du CNRS, Conseils scientifiques d’Instituts, Présidents de sections).
Reçus le 29 août par le Comité de pilotage, dans le cadre d'un programme d'auditions pour le moins lourd (80 sont prévues), le C3N a choisi une position très offensive. Il ne prend pas comme inéluctables les réformes de l'ère Sarkozy, mais demande à l'inverse qu'elles soient mises en cause de manière radicale (lire le texte ci-dessous en fin de note).
Les Assises doivent débuter par des réunions territoriales, puis se poursuivre par la tenue d'une réunion nationale les 26 et 27 novembre à Paris. Le Comité de pilotage doit remettre un rapport au gouvernement, rédigé sous la houlette de Vincent Berger, le président de l'Université Denis Diderot. Enfin, le processus doit déboucher sur une loi en 2013.
Ces Assises sont la conséquence du long conflit entre chercheurs, universitaires et gouvernements durant les années Chirac (surtout de 2002 à 2007) et Sarkozy. Ce conflit a connu des phases de paroxysme, comme lors du mouvement de 2004 qui vit la naissance de Sauvons la Recherche, puis en 2009, avec la plus longue grève d'universitaires depuis mai 1968 (photo).
Un conflit qui a oscillé entre les problèmes de moyens (budgets, postes), d'organisation et de mode de financement de la recherche, et de réforme de la gouvernance des Universités comme de leurs finalités. Sur ces différents points, la gauche a pu sembler divisée, comme l'ont montré les échanges entre certains universitaires et François Hollande durant la campagne électorale ou (lire cette note) les interpellations du Front de gauche et de la FSU il y a deux mois.
La ministre de la Recherche et de l'Enseignement supérieur, Geneviève Fioraso, ne peut compter, comme Chevènement en 1981 ou Curien après 1988, sur des crédits en hausse vigoureuse. D'ailleurs, au lieu du collectif budgétaire demandé, elle a en juillet annulé 25 millions d'euros de crédits de recherche. Et répète souvent qu'elle n'a pas de sous (comme ici dans son portrait pour Libération).
Parmi les urgences que le ministère doit traiter, le problème des précaires pourrait bien se manifester rapidement, en particulier en raison de l'éviction brutale d'ingénieurs et de techniciens recrutés sur CDD par crainte de voir la répétition de ces CDD contraindre les EPST à les embaucher en CDI du fait de la loi Sauvadet sur la resorbtion de la précarité dans la fonction publique (lire cette note de début juillet sur les premières mobilisations sur ce sujet).
Le site web de Sauvons la Recherche a publié la note remise par le C3N au Comité de pilotage. Je la réplique ci-dessous: «Note pour le site [1] des Assises de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche, suite à l’audition des représentants du C3N [2]- Coordination des instances du Comité national de la recherche scientifique par le Comité de pilotage, le mercredi 29 août 2012. Résumé.
http://sciences.blogs.liberation.fr/test/images/logo_libe.png Με Sylvestre Hue t. Εξελέγη οι ερευνητές ασκήσει πίεση για τον Υπουργό Fioraso Geneviève (φωτογραφία). Αυτό είναι ό, τι προκύπτει από την ακρόαση από τη διευθύνουσα επιτροπή του Κοινού Ανώτατης Εκπαίδευσης και Έρευνας, υπό την προεδρία του Françoise Barré-Sinoussi, του C3N.
Σύμφωνα με το κωδικό όνομα κρύβονται οι εκπρόσωποι των κορυφαίων επιστημόνων νόμιμες: Συντονισμός φορέων της Εθνικής Επιτροπής για την Επιστημονική Έρευνα (CNRS Επιστημονικού Συμβουλίου, την παροχή επιστημονικών συμβουλών Ινστιτούτα, προέδρους τμημάτων)
. Περισσότερα...
23 août 2012

Research or Public Relations?

http://www.insidehighered.com/sites/all/themes/ihecustom/logo.jpgBy Richard Vedder and Daniel Garrett. Our problem with the new report The College Advantage: Weathering the Economic Storm, on the employment of university graduates since the start of the Great Recession, begins even before the first word of text. In the first paragraph of the acknowledgments, speaking of those who financed the study, the Lumina and Gates Foundations, the authors -- Anthony Carnevale and associates at Georgetown University -- observe, "We are honored to be partners in the mission of promoting postsecondary access and completion for all Americans."

16 août 2012

Research Intelligence - The glittering prizes cast their gleam

http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/magazine/graphics/mastheads/mast_blank.gifBy Elizabeth Gibney. Awards can raise profile and state funding for academic disciplines. Elizabeth Gibney reports
Earlier this month, Russian billionaire Yuri Milner shocked the science world when he announced a plan to give nine scientists prizes of $3 million (£1.9 million) each for their work in areas of as yet unproven fundamental physics.

16 août 2012

A Push Grows Abroad for Open Access to Publicly Financed Research

http://chronicle.com/items/biz/cartoons/CHEMAR0413_iPadBanner.gifBy Jennifer Howard. Researchers, publishers, and librarians have spent a lot of this year firing up the longstanding debate over access to published research. You've probably heard the big questions: Who gets to see the results of work the public helps pay for, when should they get to see it, and who's going pay for it? This summer, the fervor has gone global, with policy makers in Britain, elsewhere in Europe, and in Australia signaling that they're ready to come up with some answers. Details vary from country to country and proposal to proposal, but the overall warming trend looks very clear.
Last month, David Willetts, the British minister in charge of universities and science, announced that the government had accepted almost all the recommendations in a June report from the Finch Group, a committee set up to explore how to broaden access to published research.

16 août 2012

Measuring Value: Societal Benefits of Research

http://chronicle.com/items/biz/cartoons/CHEMAR0413_iPadBanner.gifBy Ellen Hazelkorn. In recent years, there has been a noted policy shift towards measuring the value and benefit of university-based research. Rather than measuring inputs (e.g. human, physical, and financial resources), the emphasis has switched to looking for outcomes (the level of performance or achievement including the contribution research makes to the advancement of scientific-scholarly knowledge) and ultimately to requiring an impact and benefit (e.g. the contribution of research outcomes for society, culture, the environment, and/or the economy). This marks a move away from seeing higher education as a vehicle of human-capital development to being an arm of economic policy.
Traditionally, the emphasis has been on measuring research income, bibliometrics, and citations. Simplistic application of this methodology has privileged the physical, life, and medical sciences – their large research earnings inflated by capital and equipment budgets, and the outputs generated by large teams with multiple authors.

16 août 2012

Robert Putnam Says His Research Was ‘Twisted’

http://chronicle.com/img/photos/biz/icons/percolator-art-new.gifBy Tom Bartlett. Robert D. Putnam’s research is being used to make the case that diversity is bad—and he’s not happy about it.
The Harvard sociologist, best known for his book Bowling Alone, filed a supporting brief in the lawsuit over race-conscious admissions at the University of Texas at Austin, which is currently before the U.S. Supreme Court. In the brief, Putnam objects to how his research is characterized in another brief, by Abigail Thernstrom, an adjunct scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, and Stephan Thernstrom, a Harvard historian, among others (the two Thernstroms, in case you were wondering, are married).

10 août 2012

The Higher Education Empirical Research (HEER) database

http://heerd.qaa.ac.uk/images/logo.gifThe Higher Education Empirical Research (HEER) database comprises summaries of the latest research on a range of topics related to higher education.
It is intended for use by policy-makers, academics and researchers in higher education. The HEER database is currently being redeveloped by The Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education (QAA) to improve the website and allow for future development of the services offered to registered users.
About the Database
The higher education themes currently included are:
    * Access and widening participation (AWP)
    * Business, community and regional issues (BCRI)
    * Course design and structures (CDS)
    * Graduate labour market (GLM)
    * Institutional management and finance (IMF)
    * International (INT)
    * Learning, teaching and assessment (LTA)
    * Quality assurance (QA)
    * Research (RES)
    * Staffing (STAFF)
    * Students - characteristics, experiences, expectations (SCEE)
Relevant published research is identified through the regular scanning of:
    * Key higher education journals
    * Official reports from UK and international policy bodies
    * Statistical sources (e.g. HESA, OECD)
    * Society for Research into Higher Education Abstracts
    * Websites of relevant higher education organisations.
The summaries are produced by a team of researchers. The database is maintained and updated on a regular basis and currently comprises over 1,700 entries.

10 août 2012

Who needs higher education research, and why? by Dr Vassiliki Papatsiba

http://www.open.ac.uk/includes/headers-footers/oulogo-56.jpgBy Vassiliki Papatsiba. The last seminar of the Centre for Higher Education Research and Information (CHERI)
On June 21st, around 30 present and former CHERI staff, associates, visiting professors, collaborators and friends gathered for a final seminar at Kings Place in Central London. The seminar theme was ‘Who needs higher education research, and why?’. Notes on some of the seven presentations can be accessed here. The seminar also received a message from Professor Craig Calhoun, President of the US Social Science Research Council in New York. Read Professor Calhoun’s message.
‘Who needs higher education research, and why?’ by Dr Vassiliki Papatsiba
Thanks very much for your invitation to share with all of you here today a few thoughts, my emotion, and finally a great deal of hope about CHERI’s lasting contribution to higher education research, nationally and internationally. For this special event, you asked us to reflect on an interesting question about ‘who needs higher education research, and why’. Although I was initially tempted to jump in with both feet, I progressively came to realise that I had three problems with the question, but please let me explain.
My first problem was with the pronoun ‘who’. I wondered: would this assume that we can identify and name distinctive constituencies, users, customers, stakeholders, and so on, such as government officials, chief executives of funding agencies, senior managers at HEIs, other researchers, interest groups, various categories of citizens, and so on?
Second problem: I felt puzzled by the expression Higher Education Research and started wondering about its boundaries. How broad and comprehensive should one be when considering the field, especially given the ways in which it has developed, its stage of maturity, and finally its institutional basis? In other words, what ought to be defined as research in or on higher education? Would that mainly be theory-informed (or less frequently theory-based) empirical studies, research primarily seeking to find out ‘what is out there’ and collecting ‘evidence’ (including institutional or in-house research, commissioned work, etc.), or would one include other forms of inquiry and knowledge-seeking endeavours as well, such as scholarship and critical reflection and finally practitioner research?
Finally, my third problem was about the verb ‘need’. It seems to me that there is a connotation here about some kind of lacuna that the use of research findings will satisfy, in a fairly instrumental and linear way: pressing, acute issues will be smoothed or even cured, knowledge gaps will be filled, and finally efficient decisions will be reached. It follows that appropriate action will be taken which ultimately addresses and satisfies that need. Additionally, the verb ‘need’ bears the expectation of a transaction that focuses on user’s satisfaction. I wonder: is there an underlying view that research should address the requirements of customers, and their agendas, goals, aspirations and so on or has it a way to signpost to an outward looking inquiry mindset? Clearly, these are value-laden questions that, in addition, mirror more fundamental ones about who ought to define research agendas, who should participate in defining research problems, and finally, and perhaps more fundamentally, to what extent these should be closely mapped against social and policy issues. As early as in the 1930’s, scholars such as J.D. Bernal and Michael Polanyi inquired into the purpose and utility of science (and social science) and their disagreement is indicative of a difficult, continuing debate, while it exemplifies the polarization that has taken place.
To sum up, in the light of these three problems, one can safely conclude that “Who needs higher education research?” is a good question!
Pursuing my questioning about the meaning of ‘who’, and acknowledging CHERI’s fate, it may be tempting to conclude that not an overwhelming number of identifiable individuals, groups, or organisations would ‘need’ higher education research, at least not exactly right now, nor in a near foreseeable future. Having said that, I will try to present a reflection that might help us to overcome the disenchantment with CHERI’s closure, event which can indicate something of an apparent lack of interest/usefulness of higher education research. Before that, I shall briefly touch upon on the ‘why’ of such an apparent lack of a ‘need’ for higher education research, via a series of further questions. I wondered: is it because priorities have to be set and choices have to be made within a world of finite resources, hence more urgent or bigger needs are to be addressed first? Alternatively or additionally, is it because other fields of research and inquiry are more valued intellectually, socially, economically, and if so, would preferences for disciplines reflect the extent to which social sectors and activities enjoy different degrees of legitimacy? Furthermore, one can question whether higher education research would have yielded outcomes that satisfy the stakeholders’ utility expectations? Finally, one could question the nature/quality of higher education research and the extent to which the field is ripe for ‘exploitation’? Although legitimate, these questions are, as Toulmin (1964) put it, a ‘chalk-and-cheese’ problem, pointing to choices that have to be made and are at heart political ones. All too often, these choices are presented as economic or technical problems, qualification that disguises their political dimension.
Going back to my questioning of the meaning of ‘who’ and trying to address it, I shall err on the optimistic side. I want to argue here that despite the apparent lack of nominated customers or ‘stakeholders’, ‘who need higher education research’, higher education research benefits society because it can infuse into ways of thinking and acting of a society. I will try to develop my argument building on March and Olsen’s (1989) elaboration of the ‘aggregative’ and ‘integrative’ models of social organisation which, in turn, draws on ‘contractual’ and ‘communal’ approaches of political systems. I shall combine this political approach with propositions about the ways in which research can be ‘utilised’, especially in the policy arena, but also more generally in society. Weiss’s (1974) models of research utilisation are relevant to this discussion. I shall focus on two of her models, in particular the Enlightenment Model and the model of Research as Part of the Intellectual Enterprise of the Society.
In trying to identify ‘who’ needs higher education research, my first response is society at large, in a view that does not consider it as an aggregation of identifiable individuals, groups, organizations and so on, but in an integrative view which posits that the whole exceeds its individual constitutive parts. The aggregative and integrative approaches of social organisation rest on two contending world views, as I will go on to explain. To start with the aggregative view, this considers society as an aggregate of self-interested actors who act rationally in order to maximise their resources. Thus, transactions are committed with certain resources (power) and interests. Actors engage in bargaining and exchange in the service of prior preferences and calculated expected utility. Briefly put, the aggregative approach highlights the instrumental premises and purpose of a transaction: there is a need and a goal justifying a certain transaction between actors within a system governed by economic rationality.
However, despite the currency of this approach and its aptness to shed light on several situations, it cannot fully explain social order. If rational exchange, in the service of utility maximisation and self-interest, was the glue of society, then individuals would consistently use force and fraud to achieve their ends. Although this is happening, and social anomie is indeed part of social phenomena, economic theory falls short in fully explaining social order. Society can only exist where there are shared traditions, cultures and institutions. This dimension is emphasised by the integrative approach.
The integrative approach conveys an ideal of collective synergy and externalities, implying that outcomes may benefit not only those who are directly involved in a certain interaction (and not simply transaction), but the wider environment in which the interaction takes place. The integrative approach involves a commitment to something larger than the individual, the creation of shared history and culture, in a configuration characterised by the logic of unity, rather than the logic of exchange. Reasoned deliberation in search of common good, instead of bargaining, is the guiding principle. Although this approach does not deny asymmetries of power, coupled with enduring tension and potential conflicts, it considers them as a basis for engaging in deliberation in order to build a “mutual understanding, a collective will, trust and sympathy. (...). The key integrative processes (...) seek the creation, identification, and implementation of shared preferences.” (March & Olsen 1989, 126). Hence, a socialisation process is at work here, bearing project and aspiration. During this process, moral and competent actors engage in the interpretation of a situation, seeking and creating meaning that exceeds the purely instrumental calculation. This ‘communal’ approach places them in a historical perspective conducive to shared values and norms, joint purpose and trust. This is a continuous, yet not hopeless, challenge.
Bringing these strands of my argument together, I will try to address how these approaches can inform the definition of ‘who’. According to the aggregative model of social organisation, a customer, a policy body for instance, would have a clearly identified need and a goal which can be met by use of research. This need is usually a certain problem and the goal would be a preferred course of remedial action. The way they can go about these, at least in an ideal world, is to either directly commission research, or draw on available research, in order to solve the problem and proceed in decision making and action taking. In the integrative view of society, defining ‘who’ would need higher education research is not as straightforward as
simply nominating distinctive customers and stakeholders and identifying their problem. ‘Utilising’ higher education research would not just be taking a piece of research to fill an information gap. Here research findings are not simply delivered to the interested customer, following a linear transaction between producer and user. The broader issue of research ‘ownership’ and potential benefit is more complex than the aggregative model of exchange would suggest.
In order to show the complexities of the public dimension of knowledge, I shall combine this reading of social organisation with Weiss (1974) models of research utilization. Two models, in particular, would be of interest in this discussion of knowledge trajectories, from an integrative view of society. The first one is the Enlightenment Model. Here, research findings slowly permeate the public sphere, broadly conceived, and gradually shape the way people think about particular issues or problems. Knowledge diffusion, as assumed in this model, rests on a conception of society as democratic organisations. Release of research findings, even unpalatable ones, filters through to the public and increases its wisdom, and its disposition towards action. Research, and knowledge in general, distils into ways of public framing of social issues. In many societies, particularly open, democratic ones, an informed public is a very powerful lobby group, and can influence policy decisions gradually over a period of time. The existence of scholarly journals and informed discussion of policy issues through the mass media are indicators of the Enlightenment Model. Finally, this model does assume transactional linearity between produces and users within a problem-solving context, neither does it consider compatibility between ‘need’ and ‘response’ a necessary condition for a successful use of research.
The second model, also compatible with the integrative view of society and political systems, sees research as Part of the Intellectual Enterprise of the Society. One might call it an embedded model, according to which research is not an insular activity that takes place within bounded ‘holly’ spaces but is indeed an interconnected part within the intellectual enterprise of society. Thus, it is embedded in its ways of thinking and acting and can influence public policy, alongside other activities and considerations, be they political, social and economic. Weiss considers this conception of research (and social science research) as susceptible to influences from wider social paradigms. As she puts it ‘like policy, social science research responds to the currents of thought, the fads and fancies, of the period. Social science and policy interact, influencing each other and being influenced by the larger fashions of social thought.’ (ibid, p. 430).
In the scholarship of Higher Education Research, this approach can be qualified as an ‘externalist’ approach to higher education, science and knowledge generation as it encompasses arguments about the embedded nature of scientific knowledge within wider social relations. It also conveys a critical view on the University establishment, with the legitimacy it affords to scientific status and academic autonomy in defining research agendas. Nowotny and colleagues (2001) have portrayed this view of society as a Mode 2 society in which ‘the categorisations of modernity into discrete domains’ such as state, society, market, culture and science itself are dissolving, and institutional boundaries are getting increasingly porous. They call for knowledge to be integrated in the ‘new public space’ - the so-called agora, where science and society, the market and politics co-mingle (p. 203) allowing for socially distributed expertise to emerge. This knowledge integration becomes a structural feature of knowledge societies, according to Knorr Cetina (2007). The epistemic cultures, as she puts it, have permeated society to the extent that “a knowledge society is not simply a society of more knowledge and technology and of the economic and social consequences of these factors. It is also a society permeated with knowledge settings, the whole sets of arrangements, processes and principles that serve knowledge and unfold with its articulation.” (p. 362).
I will here try to bring my reflection to a close while I remain conscious of the shortcomings in my proposal. Above all, sadly, it cannot satisfy an identified need, that is, it cannot efficiently address the acute problems that CHERI has been faced with. However it is an optimistic approach of the research endeavour which takes a historical view and the socialization process into account. It can be a long-term ally and stay with us, while it will continue to remind us that CHERI has made a contribution in this field of higher education research. No one has the ability to foresee and accurately predict the ways in which the work undertaken by CHERI will continue to address the needs of various communities, be they policy, scholarly
or civic one. However it can offer plenty of hope that CHERI’s research will infuse, resurface, shape and frame the ways in which people think of higher education nationally and internationally. As CHERI is slowly entering the realm of legacy, one can only consider this to be the privilege of those who have had a distinguished contribution, and have influenced the ways in which people, in an increasingly interconnected world, think of social and public issues.
References

Knorr Cetina, K. (2007). Culture in global knowledge societies: Knowledge cultures and epistemic cultures. Interdisciplinary Science Reviews, 32(4), 361-375.
March , J., and Olsen, J. (1989). Rediscovering Institutions: The Organizational Basis of Politics. New York: Free Press.
Nowotny, H., Scott, P. and Gibbons, M. (2001). Re-thinking science: Knowledge and the Public in an Age of Uncertainty. Cambridge: Polity press.
Toulmin, S. (1964). The Complexity of Scientific Choice: A Stocktaking. Minerva 2(3), 343–359.
Weiss, C. (1979). The Many Meanings of Research Utilization. Public Administration Review 39(5), 426-431.
10 août 2012

Who needs higher education research, and why?

http://www.open.ac.uk/includes/headers-footers/oulogo-56.jpgBy Terri Kim. The last seminar of the Centre for Higher Education Research and Information (CHERI)
On June 21st, around 30 present and former CHERI staff, associates, visiting professors, collaborators and friends gathered for a final seminar at Kings Place in Central London. The seminar theme was ‘Who needs higher education research, and why?’. Notes on some of the seven presentations can be accessed here. The seminar also received a message from Professor Craig Calhoun, President of the US Social Science Research Council in New York. Read Professor Calhoun’s message.
‘Who needs higher education research, and why?’ by Terri Kim

First of all, I would like to thank you, John, for giving me this honour to speak in this special CHERI event.
I was first introduced to the CHERI by Maurice and Mary soon after I joined Brunel as a research lecturer in 2003. I still remember clearly when John invited me to become a CHERI Associate. It was in 2006. I was then based in Paris as a visiting scholar at the Collège de France. I was so thrilled and grateful to have the invitation and subsequently receive an official letter signed by the VC Brenda Gourley which was to confer the appointment.
Attending the CHERI Higher Education Study Group seminars was a really important part of my academic identity whilst working in the Brunel Education Department, where I was the only one engaged in higher education research. Looking back, I can see how I have matured over the years to become an academic fully committed to higher education studies and that identity is my intellectual gyroscope and will not change wherever I go.
I find the CHERI seminar question today “who needs higher education research and why? very important and thought-provoking. It was necessary for me to mull it over.
My immediate answer to the question is that we all need higher education research as much as universities serve the needs of individuals, society, economy, politics and culture. However, I would like to emphasise the importance of ‘critical higher education research’ and that is above all and first of all for the university academics.
Higher education that is taking place inside universities is more than professional training, and thus university academics need to be critically aware of the normative assumptions about professional accountability of the politics of our time. Who has provided this definition? Also it seems possible to ask, ‘accountability for whom’? – and in whose interests, and for what purposes?
After all, higher Education research cannot be detached from a particular political and societal context, nor can be unrelated to the interpretations of being and time, invoking Heidegger’s Sein und Zeit (1927). Higher education research should raise and answer to some fundamental questions such as:
• What are universities for?
• To whom should they be useful and accountable?
• Who says so and why?
Contemporaneously university academics in the UK and many other countries across the globe, where the new public management has been carried out, are living with surveillance, accountability and managerialism.
The bureaucracy of surveillance grows; surveillance becomes institutionalised within the university; and the surveillance becomes internalised. The neoliberal discourse of corporatist management as ‘governmentality’ (following Foucault) has managed to take hold of, and is entrenched in, the university academic psyche as subjectification (Foucault, 1978). This phenomenon is now - in my judgement - widespread.
Meanwhile, there is a fracturing of the class within the university academic profession, reconstructed as both “managers” and “clerks” – as invoked by Professor Robert Cowen, my former doctoral supervisor at the Institute of Education.
These phenomena have become transnational. We have seen the emergence of a transnational mobile academic elite as well as a mobile academic under-class, (which is a part of my ongoing research funded by SRHE). The process of making universities into managed organisations as subordinate to the values and role of the corporate has required a conversion from academic leadership which used to be primus inter pares to managerial skills & competencies (in line management).
Brigitte Bönisch-Brednich, a Professor of Anthropology in Victoria, New Zealand, who is originally from Germany, offers a powerful analysis of her position as an academic migrant in the neoliberal market-framed university. She says the corporatist performativity regime often creates another layer of culture shock to her as a German academic migrant. I quote - “it is experienced as a deep intrusion into my academic identity. It is an imposition of another learning process in the entrepreneurial system of producing and selling knowledge. Resisting this often means a slow or sudden professional death” (Bönisch-Brednich, 2010).
We, as university academics, need to be critically aware that the University has become a site of ‘managed’ knowledge production, and we should be able to see who defines what counts as ‘product’; and who benefits from the new patterns of ‘a university career’.
As more and more academics are categorised as academic experts, many of them increasingly define their roles as ‘researchers’ with transferable methodological research “skills”.
University academics need critical higher education research to remain alert and see also if T&L has become an ideology, in which knowledge contents are increasingly defined by skills, including “soft skills” which are now seen as key to employability and considered more important than subject knowledge per se.
Similarly, it seems that the majority of university academics no longer need to profess.
In the advancement of online course development, university lecturers are told that they do not need to give lectures anymore. At Brunel University, for instance, the staff development workshops on teaching and learning are increasingly focusing on technology-driven online learning. The workshop instructor invited from Oxford Brooks University as a specialist in online course development said to us that we do not need to create academic contents, as these are already available online.
Nowadays star professors’ lectures are recorded and disseminated online and the role of ordinary academics is to facilitate students’ ‘learning’, coordinating discussion based on online lectures.
All of these, I suggest, confirm the further division of academic labour, commodification of academic knowledge, and academics’ alienation from knowledge capital.
The global expansion of neoliberal market-framed university regimes nowadays has left very little space available for ‘university academics as critical public intellectuals’, who would like to keep the position as a free-floating critical thinker whose creative role is to engage as ‘legislator’ and ‘interpreter’ – invoking Bauman (1989) - contributing to a ‘creative destruction’ and reconstruction of the paradigms of thoughts (Kim, 2010).
All in all, universities are already part of the culture, which, in principle, they should reform. It is in this context that I suggest we/academics need ‘critical higher education research’ more than ever before. Criticality is an essential part of academic identities. However, given the current climate of corporatist academic conformity, being critical is often criticised as if it is the same as being negative and pessimistic.
References
Bönisch-Brednich, B. (2010) 'Strangers on Campus: Academic Migrants and University Policies of Hiring International Excellence', In Mayerhofer, R. & Kriebernegg, U. (eds) Multiculturality and Education. Graz.
Foucault, M. (1978). The Will to Knowledge. The History of Sexuality vol 1. London: Penguin.
Kim, T. (2010) ‘Transnational Academic Mobility, Knowledge and Identity Capital’ In Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education. Special Issue on International Academic Mobility. Edited by Johannah Fahey and Jane Kenway. Vol. 31, No. 5, pp. 577-592 October.
2 août 2012

Un déficit d'effort de recherche des entreprises françaises? Comparaison France - Allemagne

http://cache.media.enseignementsup-recherche.gouv.fr/image/Note_d_info/71/3/Note-d_information-Enseignement-sup-Recherche_178713.79.jpgL’Allemagne réalise davantage de recherche et développement que ne le fait la France. Cet écart relève d’une différence d’échelle entre les deux pays. Il relève également d’un effort de recherche supérieur en Allemagne: les dépenses consacrées à la R&D s’élèvent à 2,82 % du P.I.B. en Allemagne, contre 2,26% en France. Cet écart est essentiellement attribuable à la structure économique des deux pays: c’est dans l’industrie que se fait l’essentiel de la R&D et l’industrie occupe en Allemagne une place plus importante dans l’économie qu’en France. De plus, l’industrie allemande est fortement spécialisée sur les activités les plus intensives en R&D. En revanche, l’intensité de recherche des entreprises qui mènent des travaux de R&D, bien que légèrement supérieure en Allemagne, n’explique qu’une faible partie de l’écart de dépenses de recherche. En France, les entreprises industrielles de haute technologie affectent notamment une part plus élevée de leur chiffre d’affaires à la recherche que leurs homologues d’Allemagne. Télécharger la Note d'information n°12.09 juillet.
La France a mené pour 42,7 milliards d’euros (Md€) de travaux de recherche et de développement (R&D) en 2009. L’Allemagne en a réalisé pour 67,0 Md€. Ce plus haut niveau de dépenses de R&D outre-Rhin relève en partie de la différence d’échelle entre les deux pays : le produit intérieur brut (PIB) allemand a atteint 2 375 Md€ en 2009, contre 1 889 Md€ pour le PIB français. Cet écart relève également d’une différence d’effort de recherche: les dépenses consacrées à la R&D ont atteint 2,26 % du PIB en France en 2009, tandis qu’elles se sont élevées à 2,82% du PIB en Allemagne. Les premières estimations disponibles pour l’année 2010 confirment cette tendance: l’effort de recherche se stabiliserait à 2,26% en France et 2,82% en Allemagne. Ce niveau élevé des investissements en R&D positionne l’Allemagne au quatrième rang des pays de l’Union européenne en termes d’effort de recherche.
En proportion de leur PIB, seuls la Finlande (3,92%), la Suède (3,61%) et le Danemark (3,06%) ont effectué davantage de recherche en 2009. La France arrive en sixième position, devancée par l’Autriche (2,72%).
Alors que la France et l’Allemagne partageaient des performances proches au cours de la première moitié des années 1990 avec un effort de recherche autour de 2,3%, il n’en est plus de même actuellement. L’effort de recherche allemand est désormais supérieur à celui de la France. Si le secteur public – qui recouvre l’État, l’enseignement supérieur et les associations – réalise un effort de recherche d’ampleur similaire dans les deux pays (environ 0,9% du PIB), la différence est notable pour le secteur privé. Les dépenses engagées par les entreprises pour réaliser des travaux de R&D ont atteint 1,39% du PIB en France en 2009, contre 1,91% en Allemagne. Les dépenses engagées par les entreprises françaises pour effectuer des travaux de recherche – qui rassemblent les frais de personnel, les dépenses de fonctionnement et les dépenses de capital – se sont ainsi élevées à 26,3 Md€ en 2009. En Allemagne, les entreprises ont réalisé pour 45,3 Md€ de travaux de R&D en 2009, soit 19 Md€ de plus que leurs homologues françaises.
Pourtant, plus sensible que la France aux fluctuations du commerce mondial, l’économie allemande a connu une nette contraction de son activité suite à la crise économique et financière. Son PIB a diminué de 5,1% en 2009, contre - 2,7% pour celui de la France. Cette plus forte réaction de l’économie allemande à la crise économique a également concerné les dépenses de R&D engagées par les entreprises. En Allemagne, ces dépenses ont diminué en 2009 (-2,9%), cependant qu’elles continuaient à progresser en France (+1,8%). Malgré le ralentissement de l’activité économique, les entreprises françaises n’ont pas ajusté à la baisse leurs investissements de recherche en 2009. Les entreprises allemandes, si.

Η Γερμανία πραγματοποιεί περισσότερη έρευνα και ανάπτυξη από ό, τι στη Γαλλία. Η διαφορά αυτή είναι μια διαφορά στην κλίμακα μεταξύ των δύο χωρών. Υπάρχει επίσης μια μεγαλύτερη ερευνητική προσπάθεια στη Γερμανία: οι δαπάνες για Ε & Α ανήλθαν στο 2,82% του ΑΕΠ στη Γερμανία, έναντι 2,26% στη Γαλλία. Η διαφορά αυτή οφείλεται κυρίως στην οικονομική δομή των δύο χωρών: αυτό είναι βιομηχανία που είναι η ουσία της Ε & Α και της βιομηχανίας στη Γερμανία καταλαμβάνει έναν πιο σημαντικό ρόλο στην οικονομία της Γαλλίας. Επιπλέον, η γερμανική βιομηχανία είναι ιδιαίτερα εξειδικευμένες δραστηριότητες στην πιο εντατική Ε & Α. Περισσότερα...

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